Note: In response to feedback, I added the section bracketed in purple text below.
In the ongoing pursuit of clarity, charity, and understanding, this post will digress from the Interpreter to consider an important paper published in the John Whitmer Historical Association Journal in 2006 (vol. 26). https://www.jstor.org/stable/i40125413
The article:
The article is important because it has been cited as an authoritative "peer-reviewed, published paper." Always assuming the best of intentions in the spirit of charity, clarity requires us to observe that while the paper was definitely published, it is difficult to believe it was actually peer-reviewed in any meaningful way, considering that it has numerous typos and punctuation errors. Worse, the paper's footnotes are largely vague references that, in many cases, do not support the claims for which they are cited.
The objective of understanding focuses not on persuasion, argument or debate, but on understanding the author's objectives, which seem fairly clear in the paper. As such, we recognize Behrens' conclusion as one of multiple working hypotheses and we're fine with that.
But this paper is another example of why the FAITH model is so critical.
Every academic paper ought to distinguish between Facts and the various Assumptions, Inferences, Theories, and Hypotheses derived from those facts. That way, everyone who reads the paper is clear about what is factual and what is not, always in the spirit of charity and understanding.
Because this paper, like so many other works from both apologists and critics, conflates facts with assumptions, inferences, theories and hypotheses, this is a suitable review for this blog.
_____
The principal problems with Behrens' paper are (i) the paucity of citations to actual sources, (ii) the vague nature of the citations that make it difficult for the reader to get more information, and (iii) the discrepancies between Behrens' claims and the cited sources.
The paper was published in 2006, presumably well before many of these sources were available online. In that sense, we charitably excuse some of the lack of citations. But now that these sources are online, including directly from Dartmouth, we can all see the errors that crept into the paper. In my opinion, the paper is so unreliable that it should be completely re-written. In its current state, it is useful only to show the state of academic research in 2006; i.e., it is part of the intellectual ancestry of the claims of connections between Dartmouth and Joseph Smith.
In addition to the online Dartmouth material I've cited in my review, The BH Roberts Foundation provided several important primary sources relating to the topic here, which I've cited in the review.
https://mormonr.org/qnas/MggWf/joseph_smiths_pre_1830_education/research#re-2wubdc-ZrX2nb
That undated resource should be updated to show Dartmouth's annotated copy of the Chapman pamphlet instead of the unannotated version from Univ. of California because the annotations corroborate the Susan Mason Smith bio (see the review for these details).
I'm posting the review here to elicit comment before I post it on Academia.org.
_____
Updated comments. In response to feedback, I've made some edits and also added this section about the facts, which concludes with the sentence in purple.
LDS apologists and critics approach this topic differently. Critics tend to portray Hyrum as having assimilated the theological concepts circulating at Dartmouth, which he then imparted to his younger brother Joseph, who then expressed them in the Book of Mormon, D&C, various sermons, etc.
Apologists tend to minimize Hyrum's experience in Hanover, observing that he wasn't attending Dartmouth but instead Moor's Indian Charity school, and even then he attended only briefly. They tend to resist the idea that Joseph's revelations were influenced by (or the product of) what he learned from Hyrum, largely because most modern apologists don't think Joseph actually translated anything but instead was an ignorant farm boy to whom every word was revealed (such as through the stone-in-the-hat or SITH).
In my view, the Lord prepared Joseph from a young age to become a translator and prophet, which included giving Joseph the handicap (leg surgery) that turned him into a religious seeker and a thoughtful reader of Christian material. As Joseph put it, he had "an intimate acquaintance with those of different denominations," such that anything Hyrum shared from the school he attended was simply part of Joseph's preparation.
In other words, I understand the competing narratives but IMO both are not well founded. I encourage everyone to apply the FAITH model of analysis to clarify the different interpretations, in the spirit of charity (assuming everyone acts with good intentions) and in the pursuit of understanding instead of argument and debate designed to convince of, or coerce compliance with, a particular point of view.
_____
The Behrens paper is a good example of why the academic world should move toward adopting the FAITH model of analysis. This model clearly distinguishes between Facts on one hand, and Assumptions, Inferences, Theories and Hypotheses on the other.
The topic of Hyrum's attendance at Dartmouth involves only a few objective, clear facts. Everyone can see and agree upon these facts.
The Behrens paper creates a narrative that extends far beyond the known facts through a series of assumptions and inferences, apparently driven by the author's overriding hypothesis.
One of the final paragraphs in the paper summarizes the author's conclusions:
Hyrum’s exposure to Dartmouth’s theology, cosmology, ancient language studies, architecture, Ethan Smith’s son Lyndon, and Solomon Spaulding’s nephew James Spaulding from Sharon, Vermont, who was attending the Medical School, all provided discussion material for tutoring Joseph during his long recovery from leg surgery that kept Joseph at home on crutches until the Smith family reached Palmyra.
To assess the plausibility of these conclusions, we should begin with the known facts.
_____
Known Facts
The known historical documents provide us with this information about Hiram's (Hyrum's) attendance at Moor's school. Everyone, regardless of their assumptions, inferences, theories, and hypotheses, agrees with these facts.
Whether the contents of these documents are accurate, reliable, credible, etc., is a separate matter that invokes assumptions, inferences, etc.
1. "Hiram Smith" is listed on the tuition rolls of Moor's school for the first quarter of 1814, studying "Arithmetic," with his home town in Hanover, and he paid no tuition because he attended as a "Charity Scholar."
2. The other Charity Scholars at Moor's school studied these subjects:
1 student - "Virg. & Gr. Test," (presumably Virgil and Greek New Testament)
2 students - "Virgil"
1 student - "Mathematics"
1 student - "Navigation & Eng. Gr."
3 students - "Reading"
The ages of the students are not shown so it is impossible to say how old the "Reading" students were or even what they were reading.The paying students studied these subjects:
5 students - "Cic. de Or. & Gr. Test." (presumably Cicero de Oratore in Latin and the Greek New Testament)
1 student - "Cic. & Arith."
6 students - Virgil
1 student - "Gr. Test. & Cic"
2 students - "Lat. Primer 1/2 gr"
2 students - "Lat. Primer"
 |
Tuition record from Moor's I.C. (Indian Charity) School from Aug 1814 to Aug 1815, First quarter from Aug 28th to Nov. 19th 1814. (click to enlarge) |
3. No other extant tuition or attendance documents from Moor's school include Hiram/Hyrum as a student or refer to him in any way.
For the full records for 1814-1915, see
and for 1816
4. In 1844-5, after Hyrum had been murdered, Lucy Mack Smith, Hyrum's mother, recalled that sometime after 1811 when the family moved to Lebanon "as my children had been deprived of school we made every arrangement to suply that deficency our second son <Hyrum> we <established in> the accademy in Hanover" [1844-45 history] and "we established our second son (Hyrum) in an academy at Hanover" [1845 history].
5. Lucy added, "<in 1813> the typhus fever came into Lebanon and raged there horribly among the rest who were seized with this complaint was my oldest daughter Sophronia who was sick 4 weeks next Hyrum came from Hanover <sick> with the same disease" [1844-5] and "The typhus fever came into Lebanon, and raged tremendously; and among the number seized with this complaint; was first Sophronia, and then Hyrum, who was taken while at School and came home sick" [1845]
https://www.josephsmithpapers.org/paper-summary/lucy-mack-smith-history-1844-1845/33
https://www.josephsmithpapers.org/paper-summary/lucy-mack-smith-history-1845/63
6. Lucy added, "After one whole year of affliction we were able once more to look upon our children and each other in health...My Husband now determined to change his residence accordingly we moved to Norrige in <vermont>." [1844-5 history] "Shortly after sickness left us, we moved to Norwich, in the state of Vermont." [1845 history]
7. The precise date (or even month) of the typhus outbreak in West Lebanon, NH, is unknown, but it most likely began in November or December 1812 because of the epidemiological tendency of typhus to surge in colder months when people are in close quarters, supporting a late fall onset in the winter of 1812–1813.
Assumptions and Inferences
These facts support a variety of assumptions and inferences.
1. Based on Lucy Mack Smith's vague recollections in 1844-5, Hyrum started attending Moor's school ("the academy in Hanover") sometime in after the family moved to Lebanon in 1811, which could mean in the year 1811 or sometime in 1812 (after the family had established themselves), until early 1813 due to the typhus outbreak. This gives a range of possibility from anywhere between two years to a few months. The Dartmouth records don't show his name because they were lost, because he started school late after the tuition was recorded, or for some other reason.
2. In the fall of 1814, after everyone in the family had recovered, Hyrum was able to return to school to study "Arithmetic" for one quarter as indicated on the Moor's school records. Maybe he also attended during other quarters in 1813 or 1814, but his name does not appear on the records of the final 3 quarters for 1814 even though his classmates' names do appear.
3. The extant record from the fall of 1814 shows Hyrum studying "Arithmetic." Compared with the subjects his classmates were studying, "Arithmetic" is fairly basic, if not remedial. This reality lends credence to the lower range of his school attendance, more likely only a few months in 1812 than two or more full years. Alternatively, the fact that by 1814 Hyrum was still studying "Arithmetic" could mean he was a poor student.
4. Whether Hyrum's attendance at Moor's school was limited or he was a poor student, in either case it is not plausible that he was attending sophisticated theology lectures, engaging in philosophical debates and discussions, studying architecture, and otherwise participating in the advanced intellectual activities at Dartmouth college.
5. On the other hand, maybe Lucy downplayed Hyrum's attendance and in reality Hyrum spent several years at Moor's academy, which exposed him to the advanced intellectual activities at Dartmouth college. Maybe Hyrum was an exceptional student who understood and remembered what he heard at hundreds of lectures and during innumerable conversations and debates. Maybe the records were lost or nonexistent for some reason other than that Hyrum simply wasn't there.
The purpose of this analysis is to differentiate between facts upon which everyone can agree, and assumptions and inferences upon which people probably disagree, depending on their subjective weighing of the evidence, their confirmation bias, their worldview, their own experience, etc.
By separating facts and clearly spelling out assumptions, inferences and theories, everyone can make informed decisions about the ultimate hypotheses about Hyrum's experience in Hanover.
_____
With this background, we can assess the author's objectives for his article. The Introduction summarizes these objectives (I added the numbering for clarity)
In this paper I shall demonstrate
(i) the close relationship between the early Dartmouth College community and curriculum (see exhibits 2 and 3);
(ii) the members of the extended family of the prophet Joseph Smith, who were an integral part of that community from 1771 to 1817 (see exhibit 1 and exhibit 4);
(iii) and subsequent Mormon doctrine and community, which emerged under the direction of Joseph Smith (see exhibit 5).
I shall proceed to develop a plausible intellectual development view of Joseph Smith from the perspective of his brother Hyrum Smith.
_____
To avoid criticism that I overlooked anything, I've made my comments as I would have had Behrens asked for my peer review; i.e., I provided interlinear notes to the entire paper.
As usual, I colored my comments in red and other original quotations in green. I left the original in black.
I left all original footnotes untouched by putting my references in my commentary and at the end of the paper.
_____
Dartmouth Arminianism
And Its Impact on Hyrum Smith And the Smith Family
Richard K. Behrens
Introduction
|
I |
n this paper I shall demonstrate the close
relationship between the early Dartmouth College community and curriculum (see
exhibits 2 and 3); the members of the extended family of the prophet Joseph
Smith, who were an integral part of that community from 1771 to 1817 (see
exhibit 1 and exhibit 4); and subsequent Mormon doctrine and community, which
emerged under the direction of Joseph Smith (see exhibit 5). I shall proceed to
develop a plausible intellectual development view of Joseph Smith from the perspective
of his brother Hyrum Smith.
“Plausible” = one of multiple working
hypotheses, based on limited facts and the author’s assumptions, inferences and
theories which lead to his overall hypothesis.
The early
Dartmouth community organized in the 1770s and its expanding curriculum through
1815 provided a unique vantage point from which Hyrum, who entered the
Dartmouth community in 1811 and left in 1816, could perceptively view as well
as participate in future Mormon doctrinal and community development.
“Dartmouth community” is a misleading narrative-driven
concept that frames everyone who attended any institution in the area,
regardless of age, as part of a cohesive unit.
Behrens doesn’t provide specific
evidence that Hyrum attended between 1811-1816, although he phrases his claim
to imply that was the case. Behrens simply assumes Hyrum attended from
1811-1816, apparently based on evidence of attendance in 1811 and 1816 (which
he doesn’t provide).
If there are any records from Moor’s
school from the school years 1811-1812 and 1812-1813, Behrens does not cite
them and I can’t find any. The 1811 date is merely an assumption based on Lucy
Mack Smith’s history (see below).
However, the record of attendance at Moor’s
Ind. Charity School for the year 1813-1814 lists the students who attended each
quarter, the subjects they studied, their home town, and whether or not they
paid tuition. Hiram (Hyrum) Smith is not listed.
For the year 1814-1815, “Hiram Smith” is
listed for the first quarter (Aug. 28th to Nov. 19th,
1814, as studying “Arithmetic” with “Lebanon” as his home town. Most of his
classmates from the first quarter also appear on the second, third, and fourth
quarters, but Hiram does not.
Hiram/Hyrum is not listed as present for
examinations in the end of 1816.
If there are other sources, Behrens did
not mention or cite them.
For the original sources, see the list of
links at the end of this review.
The defining of the Dartmouth community and curriculum
would soon be followed by the subsequent divining of the Mormon doctrine and community.
The parallel “defining” and “divining” are
rhetorical flourishes that convey no substantive meaning.
Early Dartmouth intellectual inquiry focused on
philosophical and theological questions, which challenged America as it emerged
from New England Puritanism to face the challenges of the Enlightenment. Many
of these same questions would later be systematically answered by the prophet
Joseph Smith.
Those same questions were ubiquitous
among Christian and secular authors. Behrens doesn’t explain how Joseph Smith “systematically
answered” these questions, but that is not a historically accurate
representation. To the extent Joseph answered these questions, the answers
unrolled through a variety of contexts over many years, including the narrative
of the Book of Mormon, specific revelations that addressed a variety of topics
including personal instructions to specific individuals, and various lectures,
sermons, and comments that people recorded in their personal journals and
memoirs.
The effort to build the Dartmouth community and
curriculum by Dartmouth founder, Eleazar Wheelock, and his son, John Wheelock
who succeeded him in 1800, chaotically came to an end with the campus political
crisis from 1811 to 1819. The crisis was
eventually settled by the Dartmouth College Case, the landmark United States
Supreme Case, which preserved the sanctity of charters.
The correct citation is Trustees of
Dartmouth College v. Woodward, 17 U.S. (4 Wheat.) 518 (1819).
This landmark decision marked the end of the
Dartmouth’s “School of the Prophets”
and its original mission to teach the Indians.
The term “School of the Prophets” was not unique to Dartmouth. Both Harvard and Yale were referred to as a "school of the prophets. The term was not uncommon in Christian writings. For example, in the early 1700s Jonathan Edwards referred to a “school of the prophets” in his Biblical commentaries.
“God's beginning a constant succession of prophets in Samuel's time that was to last for many ages, and to that end as establishing a school of the prophets under Samuel thenceforward to be continued in Israel.” (emphasis added)
Fortuitously, Hyrum was able to observe this crisis as
it literally unfolded before his eyes. He could assess the words and actions of
as well as the results achieved by the warring factions. His later role as a
peacemaker most likely developed from this vantage point.
Obviously it did not “literally” unfold
before his eyes. Readers can evaluate the plausibility of a teenage Hyrum, who
attended Moor’s school as a “Charity scholar” for one quarter to study “Arithmetic,”
“could assess the words and actions” of the “warring factions” that led to a
complicated Supreme Court case. Anyone can read the Supreme Court decision and
see how complicated the issues were.
https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/17/518/
The Dartmouth charter had been granted in
1759 by King George III of Great Britain. After the Dartmouth trustees deposed
the President of Dartmouth, the New Hampshire legislature altered Dartmouth’s
charter on June 27, 1816. In August, the trustees of Dartmouth voted to refuse
to accept or abide by the legislation. In December, the legislature further
amended the charter.
Behrens’ assumption that Hyrum was
paying close attention to all of this, and that it is “most likely” that his “later
role as peacemaker” resulted from his observations, can be acknowledged as one
of multiple working hypotheses, but hardly the most plausible.
There are no known records of Hyrum
attending Moor’s school in 1816. The Smiths moved to Palmyra in the winter of
1816-17. The Dartmouth case was argued at the Supreme Court in March 1818 but
not decided until February 1819. Readers can decide for themselves how closely
Hyrum was following this case as it progressed.
Subsequently, Hyrum and several members of the
extended Smith family with ties to Dartmouth would go on to assist Joseph Smith
in building Mormon doctrine and community.
“Several members” consist of “Stephen
Mack, Hyrum’s cousin” who is not listed as one of Hyrum’s classmates and was an
Indian trader in Wisconsin. Others not mentioned include John Fuller Weld, a
non-LDS physician trained at Dartmouth who lived in Nauvoo, or Albert
Carrington, who graduated from Dartmouth in 1833, was baptized LDS in July 1841
and then moved to Nauvoo in 1844. Behrens claims it is “quite certain” that John
Wentworth “knew” Carrington.
When crisis threatened his community in Nauvoo, Joseph
Smith was able to responsively secure from the State of Illinois for the
community a strong charter, which protected Nauvoo against its enemies, due to
the precedent set in the Dartmouth College Case, until the threatened Mormon
community was able to reach survival mass.
This is an inaccurate summary of the
situation. In fact, the Illinois legislature revoked the Nauvoo charter on
January 29, 1845 (six months after Joseph’s death), and Brigham Young sought
legal advice for a response.
The only known reference to the
Dartmouth case involving the Nauvoo charter was in a letter from James
Arlington Bennet to Brigham Young, dated 27 February 1845, responding to
Brigham’s letter seeking advice about the Illinois legislature’s repeal of the
Nauvoo charter. Bennet had been baptized by Brigham in 1843 but never
participated in the church. In his letter, Bennet told Brigham that the 1819
Dartmouth case might be a good defense against the action of the legislature,
assuming the Nauvoo charter had conveyed any property, but if it did not, “your
existence as a city is doubtful.” In a second letter, Bennet outlined an
alternative plan, whereby the city could convey property to an individual who could
sell it to someone else who could move to another state, so that if the state
of Illinois revoked the charter, the ultimate buyer could sue in federal court on
the ground that Illinois could not impair the contract.
See note 308 here: https://www.josephsmithpapers.org/paper-summary/council-of-fifty-minutes-march-1844-january-1846-volume-2-1-march-6-may-1845/213
Note also that in 1845, Brigham Young asked Daniel
Webster’s advice. Webster declined to give an opinion without more information,
but explained that legislatures could alter political corporations “provided
such alterations did not affect private property.” See note 309, supra.
John Smith and the Dartmouth Curriculum
John Smith was born December 21, 1752, in Rowley,
Massachusetts, to Joseph Smith and Elizabeth Palmer[1], both
cousins of Asael Smith and Mary Duty, the paternal grandparents of the prophet
Joseph Smith.
Behrens’s note 1 cites Chapman’s 1867 Sketches
of the Alumni of Dartmouth College.
The online Introduction to the book
explains that “In 1867, the Rev. George T. Chapman, Class of 1804, published
his compilation of biographical sketches for graduates of Dartmouth College….”
https://www.dartmouth.edu/library/rauner/chapman/
An annotation in the online edition of
Chapman’s book (provided by Dartmouth) puts “Sawyer?” above Palmer, indicating
that Elizabeth was not a Palmer but instead her maiden name was Sawyer. The Introduction
explains that the writer of that annotation was “John M. Comstock, class of
1877, who for many years served as the statistical secretary of the Association
of Alumni of Dartmouth College.”
Thus, by the late 1800s, Comstock noted
that the Palmer identification appears to be an error.
Because Behrens’s citation did not
indicate exactly which copy of “Sketches” he used, or where it was located, or
whether it was available online, readers cannot tell whether he used or was
aware of the Comstock edition that Dartmouth has digitized and put online.
Obviously, had Behrens used that copy, he should have explained the correction inserted by Comstock.
There is another copy of Sketches online
from the Univ. of California that does not include Comstock’s annotations,
which is the copy cited by the BH Roberts Foundation (mormonr.org).
https://www.cga.ct.gov/hco/books/Sketches_of_the_Alumni_of_Dartmouth.pdf
There may be other copies Behrens
consulted, but the official Dartmouth copy, containing Comstock’s corrections, should
at least be mentioned in any discussion of this topic.
Comstock may have made the annotation
because Dr. John Smith’s widow, Susan Mason Smith, wrote “a brief memoir” to
accompany Dartmouth’s collection of John Smith’s lectures and grammar books. In
that memoir, Susan wrote,
The Rev. John Smith was born in
Byfield Mass. Dec 21. 1752…. His mother was a descendant of the Sawyer
family, who came from England to this country in the year 1643, and settled
in Rowley, Mass, where he was born and brought up. She was sister to Deacon
Sawyer, who was among the first settlers of Hopkinton N. H. who was a man of
much civil and religious influence in the town, respected, and beloved by all
who knew him, he there lived and died at a very advanced age, leaving upward of
200 descendants. (emphasis added)
Note: for the original document, see the
unfortunately unwieldy link from mormonr.org at the end of this review.
Anyone who has carefully read the
Dartmouth collection of John Smith’s lectures could not have missed this memoir
by his widow.
In fact, in his next footnote Behrens
actually cites Susan’s “unpublished biography” without mentioning the
discrepancy between Susan’s account and Behrens’ assumption about John Smith’s
mother’s maiden name.
Readers are left wondering why Behrens
did not mention either Susan’s account or Comstock’s annotation.
At any rate, Behrens’ genealogical table
and his resulting conclusion is based on his misidentification of the John
Smith (the son of Joseph Smith and Elizabeth Palmer) who was related to Joseph
Smith, Jr. with the Dr. John Smith at Dartmouth (the son of Joseph Smith and
Elizabeth Sawyer).
All of this genealogical information is
only tangentially relevant anyway, but we are only at the first footnote in
Behren’s supposedly “peer-reviewed paper” and we can see that a major premise
of Behren’s article is an obvious error, as shown on the original documents
from Dartmouth.
It is important to note that the BH
Roberts Foundation uncovered the problem by consulting the Dartmouth material on
John Smith’s lectures without also noticing that Comstock had also made the
correction on Dartmouth’s edition of Chapman’s Sketches. This shows
there were at least two separate ways for Behrens to discover the problem with
his genealogical assumption that neither he nor his “peer-reviewers” noticed.
All of this relates to the overall
credibility of Behrens’ paper. His footnotes are cursory and incomplete, and in
some cases don’t support the claims Behrens makes in his paper, but they at
least they are notes. Many of Behrens’ claims are entirely unsupported,
amounting to pure speculation based on his often unstated assumptions and
inferences.
Since Mary Duty grew up in Rowley where her family
lived for generations before her marriage to Asael and subsequent move to
nearby Ipswich in 1767, it is quite certain that she knew her mother’s first
cousin Elizabeth, John’s mother.
Behrens’ claim that it is “quite certain”
is itself an assumption, but we can see now that the Elizabeth to whom Behrens
refers is not Elizabeth Palmer but Elizabeth Sawyer.
John, however, was sent off to Dummer Academy in
Byefield near Topsfield and Rowley, Massachusetts, soon after his parents died
when he was a young boy. At Dummer Academy, the first boarding school in
America, John soon excelled in Greek and Latin under classicist Samuel Moody
and read through Homer’s Iliad and Odyssey twice and the lesser Greek poets in
Greek and Cicero and the lesser Roman poets in Latin.[2]
All good, but hardly relevant, given
Behrens’ misidentification of John as a distant relative of Joseph Smith.
Samuel Moody, a friend of Royal Governor John
Wentworth of New Hampshire, was invited to join the governor’s entourage and
attend the first Dartmouth graduation in 1771 the same year that Joseph Smith
Sr. was born to Asael Smith and Mary Duty in Topsfield, Massachusetts. Moody
asked John Smith, who was scheduled to enter Yale in the fall, to join him.
John was fascinated by the wilderness setting of the college and Eleazar
Wheelock was very impressed with him and invited John to stay and enter the junior
class.[3]
John was soon studying Hebrew and ancient texts and graduated in 1773.
Behrens' genealogy chart erroneously shows that John Smith died in 1773. He actually died in 1809.
From 1774 to 1778 John was appointed tutor in ancient
languages and studied divinity under Eleazar Wheelock. In 1778 he was appointed
the first Professor at Dartmouth. John and tutor Bezaleel Woodward helped keep
the college functioning while tutors Sylvanus Ripley and John Wheelock were
serving in the Revolutionary Army. Later that year, John Smith also prepared
the natural philosophy lectures for Bezaleel Woodward who was teaching mathematics,
acting as treasurer of the college and dabbling in local politics.[4]
Although this paragraph cites Chapman’s
book, little of this info is in the cited reference.
Soon after, John developed the ancient language course,
which at first included Latin, Greek, Hebrew, Chaldaic, Syriac, Assyric, and
later added Arabic and Coptic Egyptian.
This might sound impressive in our day,
but it was not that uncommon in early America. In the early 1700s, Jonathan
Edwards was fluent in Latin, Greek and Hebrew when he graduated from Yale at
age 16.
He was also co-pastor of the college church from 1780
to 1787 with Sylvanus Ripley until Ripley died in a sleighing accident in
February 1787 and sole pastor thereafter until his death in 1809.[5]
In 1787 he began developing a set of theology
lectures, which were finally completed in 1804, a year before the prophet
Joseph Smith was born in Sharon, Vermont, and John was preparing them for
publication in 1809 when he passed away. He also wrote the Dartmouth Plays,
which were designed to break the monotony of the recitation method of learning.
His Hebrew grammar, which in 1773 but [typo?] was
rejected for publication because of his young age, was finally
published in Boston in 1804 and his Latin grammar soon afterwards. His Greek
grammar was in final stages of publication when he died in 1809.[6]
In 1803 John
Smith was recognized by Brown College with a Doctor of Sacred Theology degree
for his many contributions.[7] When 11
year old [sic] sophomore George Tichnor sketched
the campus in 1805, Smith was represented in the portly figure in the lower
right hand surveying his campus domain while now Dartmouth President John
Wheelock the diminutive central figure is walking with his face in a book
demonstrating Tichnor’s view of the relative importance of the two at that
point in time.[8]
Smith also served as college trustee, college
librarian, and still found time to run the town bookstore from his home. He
built much of the early Dartmouth curriculum in close consultation with
Wheelock. As revealed in Wheelock’s 1809 eulogy of Smith, they spent long hours
coordinating the intricately correlated Dartmouth curriculum. Ancient language,
ancient literature, ancient scriptural texts, and theology, were tightly
integrated with Newtonian astronomy and earth science.[9]
Smith and Wheelock were perfectly matched to work closely together for almost 35 years. It was Smith’s poor eyesight and scholarly methodology, however, which left the true legacy of carefully crafted and well annotated lectures that preserve the true richness of the early Dartmouth learning experience. He prepared his lectures with such care and diligence that simply reading them out loud as marked provides a deep reading of the man, his interests, his passions and his point of view.[10] His favorite scripture with which he punctuates controversial material was, “For now we see through a glass darkly but in the end we shall all see eye to eye.”
The astronomy section of his Natural Philosophy
lectures begins with Ptolemy and proceeds through Newton but ends with
interesting speculations on multiple peopled worlds and the age of the
universe. Smith speculated that if an infinite creator could make one perfect
system, why not many and if many why not millions.[11] The earth
science section covers the known science through the late 18th century
but ends with equally interesting speculations about the peopling of America
with special notice given to the marble inscription in Canaanite found near
Tangiers mentioned by the Roman Historian Procopius which states: “We fly from
Joshua, son of Nun, the Robber.” Smith felt that if Canaanites could reach West
Africa why not the Americas with favorable winds and currents.[12]
Nothing about the John Smith material
seems relevant once we recognize that (i) he was not related to Joseph Smith (ii)
these materials and concepts were not unique to John Smith or Dartmouth, and (iii)
the only facts we have about Hyrum’s connection to Dartmouth was that he
studied “Arithmetic” for one quarter at Moor’s school as a “Charity Scholar”
and that his mother said they sent him to the school at an unspecified date for
an unspecified duration.
[As a side note, the point that the
Canaanites reached West Africa and could therefore have reached America
corroborates the Book of Mormon accounts of both Mulek and Lehi reaching
America.]
Early
Dartmouth Students of Interest in Mormon Studies
Solomon
Spaulding, class of 1785, followed the above lecture material closely when he
wrote Manuscript Found in 1812 in
eastern Ohio.[13]
How closely? Behrens should give an
example or at least a source to support this claim instead of merely citing the
book without indicating where it can be found today or explaining that this is
likely the book found in Hawaii in the late 1800s.
After graduating Solomon spent several years as an
evangelist before his health and spirit failed. He soon became a Deist and
joined his brother in commercial ventures near Cherry Hill, New York, next to
the Oneida and Stockbridge reservations before moving on to land speculation
and other ventures in Ohio.
After excavating some Indian mounds on his property,
in which sophisticated ancient Indian remains were found, he decided to write
his tale of the origin of the Indians,[14] beginning
with 2 odysseys following John Smith’s suggested Bering Strait crossing by land
and an Atlantic sea crossing through the Mediterranean.
Where is a citation to John Smith’s
claim?
Note: the John Smith papers are available at
BYU and Dartmouth, but not online.
https://archives.lib.byu.edu/repositories/14/resources/12459
Spaulding then added an Iliad focused on the Helen of
Troy model but with a reverse ending. The prince of the south visited the king
of the north and stole his wife. The king of the north in classic Homeric
fashion raised an army and went to retrieve his wife. To explain the condition
of the savage Native Americans, Solomon has the less civilized Trojan-type win.
The Chapman book is one of Behrens’
major sources. It’s strange that Behrens doesn’t tell readers about Chapman’s
anti-Mormon animus. The following quotation is from Chapman’s entry on Solomon
Spalding.
Josiah, then visiting his brother
[Solomon Spalding], found him in poor health and low spirits, writing a work of
fiction, suggested by the opening of a mound, in which were discovered human
bones and some relicks [sic] indicative of a former civilized race. He entitled
his work a “Manuscript Found,” and in it imagined the fortunes of the extinct
people. Josiah left him thus employed. Not long after, probably in 1811 [this
is amended by handwriting to 1812] Solomon went to Pittsburg, Pa, where he was
followed by Sidney Rigdon, then a printer and afterwards a noted Mormon. He
told his employer of Spalding’s novel, who borrowed the manuscript and offered
to print it. This was refused, and the author wandered to Amity [Pa], the place
of his death. His widow returned to New York with the manuscript, and while
absent from home, a stranger called on her and desired to examine it, that he
might confirm or refute a report current in the West, that it had become the
Mormon bible. She permitted him to visit her house and obtain it from a certain
chest. He went and reported that he could not find it. Mrs Spalding never saw
it after this. The probability is, that Rigdon copied the work at Pittsburgh
and that the stranger purloined the original to avoid a future exposure. The
uniform testimony of those who read the work is, that the basis and in great
part the form thereof now constitute the Mormon bible. And thus a clergyman was
most unwittingly and innocently the medium of a delusion, whose dimensions have
become so large and its impostures so monstrous. The above facts are chiefly
imbodied from a letter written by the brother in question and dated at
Eastford, Jan. 6, 1855.
Subsequently, Spalding’s manuscript was
discovered in Hawaii and as everyone knows, bears little resemblance to the
Book of Mormon.
Behrens’ omission of this salient
narrative from the Chapman book is a good example of why historians should
start with facts and then explain their various assumptions, inferences, and
theories. Instead, Behrens leaves his readers ignorant of this obvious bias and
obsolete narrative that Chapman incorporated into the book Behrens cites 17
times (out of 60 total footnotes).
Ethan Smith, class of 1790, also followed the lecture
material including the early theology lectures begun by John Smith in 1787 when
Ethan wrote View of the Hebrews in
1823.
[No citation? No further details about
how Ethan followed the lecture material?]
After graduating in 1790, Ethan studied with Dartmouth
pastors Eden Burroughs, trustee, and Asa Burton, class of 1777, in Thetford,
Vermont, before beginning his first
pastorate in Haverhill, New Hampshire, across the Connecticut River. In 1800 he
took a new position in Hopkinton near Concord, New Hampshire.[15]
By 1811 he began his profuse writing career covering
theology and prophecy.16 The
cited reference does not say this.
Ethan’s many doctrinal works on such subjects as
infant baptism, women in Zion, the Godhead, prophecy, etc. were soon well
circulated on campus immediately at Dartmouth after they were well received on
the Dartmouth pastoral circuit. His son Lyndon arrived in Hanover as a freshman
in the fall of 1813 and seems to have promoted his father’s books to the campus
literary and theological societies.[16]
The cited reference lists Lydon under “Alumni
1817” but merely says “He studied medicine with Dr John Bott of Petersburg, Va,
also at Dart. and Williams Med. Colleges, graduating at both in 1823.” The unexplained
discrepancy in the source, along with Behrens’ unsubstantiated claims, indicate
Behrens should have given a source to support his statements here.
Student names appear in a number of the library copies.
How many names in how many copies?
Compared with what other books?
In 1817 the same year that Lyndon graduated,
Notice the contradiction with the cited
reference.
Ethan took a new position in Hebron, New York, between
the Oneida and Stockbridge reservations in the area worked by Dartmouth
missionaries in earlier times. From 1817 to 1822 he researched material for his View of the Hebrews before he moved to a new pastorate in Poultney,
Vermont, in 1822.[17]
The cited reference says he was
installed pastor at Poultney Nov. 21, 1821, and was dismissed in Dec. 1826, and
says nothing about his research. Apparently Behrens is stating his assumptions
and inferences but framing them as facts.
The 1825 edition of the book contains more information
from Elias Boudinot’s, A Star in the
West, and Alexander Von Humbolt’s 1814 work on Mesoamerica probably
suggested by Lyndon from his study in John Wheelock’s class.
A citation or link to show that Lyndon
studied in Wheelock’s class would be important to support Behrens’ claim that
this was “probably suggested.”
Ethan used a standard Bering Strait crossing for his
odyssey and war of attrition for his Iliad.[18]
Here, Behrens tries to set up a
similarity to the Book of Mormon by describing Ethan’s book as an “odyssey” and
an “Iliad.”
After studying with Asa Burton, Elijah Lyman, class of
1787, began his long pastorate in Brookfield, Vermont.[19] After his
brother Richard died in 1802 in Lebanon, New Hampshire, he brought
Richard’s family from Lebanon, New Hampshire, to live with him in Brookfield,
Orange County, Vermont just north of Tunbridge. Elijah trained Clarissa,
Richard’s daughter from twelve years of age along with Dartmouth graduates who
were preparing to go on missions to the Indians. In 1815 Elijah married
Clarissa and John Smith while he was training Alfred Finney, Dartmouth class of
1814, before he left on his life long [sic] mission to the
Western Cherokee in Arkansas.[20]
“Life long” in this case means 9 years. The
cited source explains that Finney was a missionary from Jan 1820 until his
death in 1829 at age 39.
George A. Smith arrived in the new family in 1817 with
Caroline and John Lyman to follow in 1820 and 1823. Clarissa and George A.
would read the Book of Mormon when received from Joseph Smith Sr. in 1830 and
recommend it strongly to John’s brothers. George even defended the book when
challenged by local “professors” of religion.[21]
Dartmouth Theology Lectures: Source of much Mormon
Doctrine?
According to
John Smith’s widow, Susan Mason, John Smith’s Theology lectures represent his opus magna, which he was preparing
for publication at the time of his death. She states in a short biography of
her husband attached to the almost complete manuscript of his theology lectures
that he felt it was the most challenging of his various undertakings and
required 17 years to prepare the original 34 lectures and another five years to
reduce them to an edited manuscript.[22]
Note that Susan’s bio has page numbers
that Behrens doesn’t cite. And this note leads us again to wonder why Behrens
didn’t alert readers to Susan’s explanation in this same bio that John’s mother
was a Sawyer, not a Palmer.
These lectures trace his evolution from Greek
classicist to ancient text specialist to Arminian theologian and are probably
best summarized in 20 topics as follows:[23]
The cursory citation is unhelpful. Who
summarized these lectures into 20 topics? If Behrens, we can see the summary is
designed to promote his hypothesis and may or may not accurately summarize the
lectures. Readers have no way to assess that accuracy.
(1) Greek philosophy provided
his concept of the Preexistence
(2) Atonement Covenant was made
before the earth was
(3) Plan of Salvation was agreed
to in the Preexistence
(4) Father, Son and sons of men
were together in the Preexistence
(5) Spiritual death was man’s
condition after the Fall
(6) Son’s Church would exist in
all ages after the Fall
(7) Types and shadows of the
covenant found in Scriptures
(8) Oaths and covenants serve as
Deity’s legal structure
(9) Light, borrowed light and
the light of reason would guide
(10) Melchizedek Priesthood is
co-eternal with God
(11) The Priesthood is the source of the Son’s authority
(12) Aaronic Priesthood promised to
Aaron’s descendants
(13) Free Agency and the right to
choose is integral to plan
(14) Degrees of Glory is the
structure of the Eternities
(15) Consecration to Christ is
required for highest exaltation
(16) Revelation required to know
ultimate nature of God
(17) Spirit is a simpler form of matter
(18) The prosperity cycle is the natural
direction of history
(19) Millions of peopled worlds
(20) Father argues for justice
and Son argues for mercy
The
Tunbridge Cowderys: Why Oliver?
The Cowderys of Tunbridge were neighbors to the Mack
and Smith Families and settled in Tunbridge, Vermont, about the
same time and both the Cowdery and Smith families intermarried with the Sanford
Family. The patriarch of the Cowdery clan in Tunbridge was Jabez Cowdery, uncle
of William Cowdery, Oliver Cowdery’s father, who settled in Wells, Vermont,
near Poultney, Vermont. Many of Oliver’s family were members of Ethan Smith’s
congregation in Poultney, Vermont and were aware of View of the Hebrews and Ethan’s other works. The Cowdery family
relationships and the Cowdery family awareness of Ethan Smith were especially
good preparation for later events in New York and Pennsylvania that we shall
study in more detail later in this paper.
Here, “especially good preparation” is assumption
and inference, not fact.
The later interaction of the Smith and Cowdery
families will be integral to the bringing forth of the Book of Mormon.
The “later interaction” consisted of
Oliver boarding with Joseph’s parents while teaching school and then working
closely with Joseph as a scribe and co-participant in the early events of the
Restoration.
Hyrum
Smith Enters Moor’s School
Lucy Mack Smith in her history of the Smith family
noted that Hyrum entered into Moor’s Academy in 1811.[24]
To support his claim, Behrens cites Lucy’s
history, which is the only known historical record of Hyrum's attendance prior to 1814. But Lucy does not say when Hyrum started or how long he stayed. This
is Lucy’s actual statement from the history she dictated in 1844-5 (after Hyrum and Joseph were killed). It is not known when the dates were inserted into the narrative.
Thence To <to>
Lebanon <1811>
here we settled ourselves down and began to congratulate ourselves upon our
prosperity and also to renew our exertions to obtain a greater abundance of
this worlds Goods… as my children had been deprived of school we made every
arrangement to suply that deficency our second son <Hyrum
[Smith]>
we sent to <established
in>
the accademy in Hanover the remmainder who were old enough attended a school
near by whilst while The their Father and myself were industriously laboring
late and early to do all in our power for their future wellfare We met with
success on every hand
But the scene Soon changed When we
had been in this place for the space of 2 years <in
1813>
the typhus fever came into Lebanon and raged there horribly among the rest who
were seized with this comppaint complaint were was my my oldest daughter
Sophronia who was sick 4 weeks next Hyrum came from Hanover <sick>
with the same disease then Alvin [Smith] my oldest and so on till there was not
one of my Family left well save Mr Smith and myself
https://www.josephsmithpapers.org/paper-summary/lucy-mack-smith-history-1844-1845/27
In her 1845 history, she explained.
We moved, as before mentioned, to
the town of Lebanon: <New Hampshire>:
here we settled ourselves down, and began to reflect with joy and satisfaction
upon the prosperity which had attended our recent exertions; and we doubled our
diligence to obtain more of this world’s goods in order to assist our children;
besides, as is quite natural, we looked forward to the decline of life, and
were making provisions for its wants, as well as its comforts. And, as our
children had in a measure been debarred the privilege of schools, we began to
make arrangements to attend to this important duty. To this end we established
our second Son (Hyrum [Smith]) in an academy at Hanover; and the rest that were
of sufficient age, we sent to a common school, which was quite convenient;
meanwhile myself and husband were doing all that our abilities would admit of,
for the future welfare and advantage of the family, and were greatly blessed in
our labors.
But this state of things did not
long continue. The typhus fever came into Lebanon, and raged tremendously; and
among the number seized with this complaint; was first Sophronia, and then
Hyrum, who was taken while at School and came home sick; next Alvin [Smith] was
attacked: in short, one after another was taken down, till all of the family,
with the exception of myself and husband, were prostrated upon a bed<s>
of sickness.
https://www.josephsmithpapers.org/paper-summary/lucy-mack-smith-history-1845/63
Again, Lucy does not say when Hyrum started at the Academy, but it was after they moved to Lebanon in 1811 and, according to her chronology, after they had obtained “more of this world’s goods.” Thus, Hyrum could have started during 1811 or 1812, but he came home sick "when the typhus fever came into Lebanon" in the fall/winter of 1812-1813. The range of possible attendance could be as many as two years or as short as a few months. There are no records available at Dartmouth to show Hyrum attended at all during this period.
John Wheelock, President of Dartmouth College and
Moor’s Academy, would have interviewed Hyrum briefly at matriculation for the
first of many periodic interviews they would have and would also teach Moor’s
Academy one day a week as relief for the preceptor Joseph Perry, class of 1810.
It is reasonable to assume (but not a
fact) that Wheelock interviewed Hyrum at least once, but more than that is not
supported by any actual documents.
Stephen Mack, Hyrum’s cousin, was also a student at
Moor’s Academy.
A citation would be helpful.
John Ball,[25] class of
1820, Hyrum’s Aunt Sally’s brother would enter Dartmouth in 1816 and in May
1832 would meet with the Mormon leaders in Jackson County, Missouri on his way
to Oregon with the Wyeth Expedition.[26]
Note 26 cites a Star article,
which puts Behrens’ claim in context. Behrens misspelled the name of the company
and created a false impression by claiming Ball “would meet with the Mormon
leaders.” The Star article doesn’t mention John Ball and shows that, if
he was in the Wythe company, he was only one of 30 people. And the Wythe company
was one of 4 companies, totaling over 250 people, that were mentioned in the
brief notice.
EARLY in May, Capt. Bonaville’s
Company, (150) under the command of Capt. Walker passed this town, on its way
to the Rocky Mountains, to trap and hunt for fur in the vast country of the
Black Feet Indians. About the middle of May, Capt. Soublett’s Company, (70)
passed, for the Rocky Mountains, on the same business. At which time, also,
Capt. Wythe of Mass., with a Company of 30, passed for the mouth of Oregon
River, to prepare (as it is said) for settling a territory. During the month of
May there also passed one Company bound to Santa Fee.
(Evening and Morning Star I.1:6 ¶19)
The Chapman entry Behrens cited in Note
25 states that
“John Ball… went into the
manufacture of oil cloth until Jan. 1832; then journeyed across the plains and
over the Rocky mountains to San Francisco, Cal. And sailed thence to the
Sandwich and Society islands… returning in 1834.”
Behrens owes it to readers to provide a
specific citation to support his assertion that Ball was in the Wythe company
and met with Mormon leaders in Missouri.
It is not certain whether Elijah Paine,[27] Dartmouth
trustee who held a mortgage on Solomon Mack’s farm in Sharon, Vermont,
influenced this outcome or whether the phenomenon resulted from mere
coincidence.
By writing “It is not certain” here, Behrens uses litotes to understate the absence of proof, implying doubt rather than simply admitting there's no basis for the claim. A more accurate statement would be “it is possible, but unknown, whether Elijah Paine...”
Characterizing Hyrum’s ordinary attendance at Moor’s Academy as a “phenomenon” is argumentative rhetoric, not factual.
Until March of 1813 Hyrum was exposed to this unique intellectual environment, which included Moor’s Academy, Dartmouth College and the Dartmouth Medical School and its new medical theatre, which was completed after his arrival on campus. A sick Hyrum returned home to a family already sick with Typhoid fever.[28]
The phrase “was exposed to” does a lot of work in this paragraph, especially given the paucity of relevant facts. “Unique intellectual environment” is rhetorical, because every school offers a “unique intellectual environment.” To what extent a 13-year-old farm boy learning “Arithmetic” as a “Charity Scholar” at a charity school is “exposed” to a college and medical school, even if at the same campus, is a matter of assumption and inference that can be adapted to a variety of hypotheses ranging from “exposed to” all the way to “oblivious to.” Readers can decide the relative plausibility of those hypotheses.
The 1813 Typhoid Epidemic and Joseph Smith’s Leg
Operation
Sophronia almost
died and Joseph suffered a complication, osteomyelitis,
which required leg surgery. After initial surgery by relative Phineas
Parkhurst,[29] class of 1805,[30] failed,
Drs. Stone, Nathan Smith, and Cyrus Perkins from the Dartmouth Medical School
completed a successful surgery by removing a substantial piece of infected bone. Cyrus Perkins, professor
at the medical school, was also
son-in-law of Professor John Smith and therefore another Smith relative. Hyrum
would remain home for a year to attend homebound Joseph, who remained on
crutches for the next four years and be tutored by Hyrum.
Behrens owes readers specific citations
to actual sources to support his claim that Hyrum remained home for only a year.
Possibly when Joseph made a recuperative trip to Salem
with Uncle Jesse, Hyrum was able to return to Moor’s Academy in 1814 as a
charity scholar,[31] a status shared
by children of deceased members of the
faculty, children of missionaries in the field, and those with promise to enter
the ministry.
“Possibly” is assumption and inference,
not fact. Note 31 is interesting for several reasons.
First, it shows us for the first (and
only) time in this paper that Behrens is familiar with the Joseph Perry
collection of Dartmouth records that Perry digitized.
Second, it shows us that Behrens has
known all along that those records show exactly one reference to Hiram Smith,
which is the first quarter of 1814. That is consistent with Lucy Mack Smith’s recollection
that Hyrum attended after 1811 and came home sick before they left the area for Palmyra, but she
did not say exactly when.
Third, as is typical of the footnotes in
this paper, Behrens fails to cite a specific page number or even record number
or title that a reader can follow up with.
Hyrum’s classmates included children of Drs. Nathan
Smith and Cyrus Perkins and deceased Professors John Smith and John Hubbard as
well as many Wheelock relatives. Twenty of his classmates would graduate from
Dartmouth and one, Clement Long, would become Professor of Divinity at
Dartmouth. Most of his schoolmates’ fathers were Masons including William
Woodward whose grandfather Bezaleel Woodward founded the lodge in Hanover and
father William Woodward was current head of the lodge.[32] Hyrum
would also attend over 1000 morning and evening Presbyterian chapel and Sunday
services, which were mandatory.
More assumptions and inferences instead
of facts, and yet written as if factual, albeit without a citation.
The Perry records actually list Hiram’s
classmates at Moor’s school. There are no other Smiths, no Wheelocks, one
Hubbard who was also a “Charity Scholar,” and two Perkins. There is a Samuel
Long, but no Woodwards.
Obviously, Hyrum could not have attended
over 1000 services in one quarter in 1814.
Each day Hyrum observed the federal architecture of
the buildings on campus including the construction of the Dartmouth Hotel,
which was completed in 1814. Later buildings in Kirtland and Nauvoo for which
Hyrum would be building overseer bear strong resemblance to the campus
buildings.
Behrens’ inference being that Hyrum
studied architecture on the side when he was 14 years old. The only evidence of
what Hyrum studied was noted on the Moor’s school enrollment for the first
quarter of 1814, where he was listed as studying “Arithmetic,” while other “Charity
Scholars” were studying “Virgil,” “Mathematics,” "Reading," and English Grammar.
Hyrum even had the opportunity to observe such
notables as Daniel Webster, class of 1801, who had a house in Hanover, and
Thaddeus Stevens,[33] class of 1814,
a powerful figure in the House of Representatives during Reconstruction.
More assumptions and inferences, stated
as fact, and not very credible even as assumptions. A "Charity Scholar" studying "Arithmetic" for one quarter in 1814 at Moor's school could hardly be expected to observe a senior at Dartmouth in any meaningful way. Recall that years later, Brigham Young sought Webster's legal advice about the Nauvoo Charter. Webster responded by warning Brigham that the charter might not be legally sufficient, as discussed above.
In his final year in school, Hyrum experienced a
yearlong revival that was punctuated by lightning and thunderstorms,
earthquakes, and a well reported epiphany.
Not only has Behrens failed to provide a
citation to evidence about Hyrum’s “final year in school,” but he simply assumes
Hyrum “experienced” this revival and accompanying events.
Affiliation with Freemasonry began early in Hanover
with James Wheelock and Eleazar Wheelock Jr., John Payne and other townspeople
in Hanover, who were not directly involved in college. Soon however in 1788
Professor Bezaleel Woodward, and Wheelock relative Davenport Phelps, class of
1775, petitioned for a lodge in Hanover, which was finally commissioned in
1796. By the time of Bezaleel’s death in 1804, his son William was a master
mason and sons and inlaws of Sylvanus Ripley were actively involved. John Smith
acted as chaplain and his son John entered
in 1812.[34]
This focus on masons is anachronistic in
the sense that, although it was controversial, masonry was widespread in the
1700s and 1800s. George Washington (1732-1799) was a mason, as was President James
Monroe (1758-1831). Other prominent masons of the era included Benjamin
Franklin, John Hancock, Paul Revere, and Aaron Burr.
In 1799 the board of trustees at the insistence of the
ardent Calvinist Congregationalists on the board passed a resolution stating
that if any student joined the Masons he would be expelled. John Wheelock,
however, made no effort to enforce the resolution until 1812 when the
Congregationalists on the board, who gained control in 1810, forced the issue
and the Masons agreed to stop proselytizing students in 1812.36 From 1796 to 1812 over 115 students entered
the lodge.[35] Hyrum
attended school with many children of Freemasons.
As did all of his contemporaries.
These included William Woodward, John Smith, the Wheelocks, Cyrus Perkins, etc. At the time Hyrum’s name was still spelled Hiram. A better Masonic name could not be found for it ties in well with two of the three characters of the Masonic myth, Solomon, Hiram of Tyre, and Hiram Abiff the chief architect of Solomon’s temple.
While the name "Hiram" can have Masonic connections (similar to other popular boys’ names at the time such as Mason, Tyler, and Solomon), it was also a popular Biblical boys’ name in the early 1800s, meaning "exalted brother."
Behrens’ inference that Hiram’s name had a Masonic origin is speculation not grounded in fact. Other Smith sons also had Biblical names of Joseph, Samuel and Ephraim.
This spelling indicates that possibly Joseph Smith,
Sr., Stephen Mack, or Asael Smith may have had some contact with the Masonic
Lodge in Tunbridge, Vermont, or the one in nearby Randolph when it opened just
north of Tunbridge, Vermont in 1798.
In 1800, Hiram was the standard spelling and far more common than Hyrum.
However, Joseph Smith, Sr., was soon rejected by the
Randolph lodge in 1801[36] possibly for
his actual or perceived connection with
Nathaniel Wood in nearby Rutland.
Yet more speculation about the reasons.
After John Wheelock’s death in 1817 the lodge moved to
Lebanon, New Hampshire.
The Campus Clash between Calvinism and Arminianism
The college church operated under Presbyterian style
government but its doctrine was Arminian based on the ideas on free agency of
Jacob Arminius, who succeeded John Calvin as Professor of Theology at the
University of Geneva. Arminianism became an increasing item of contention and
would lead to hostility between Wheelock and Smith on one side and the
Calvinist board on the other and would culminate in the landmark Dartmouth
College Case.
The Calvinist/Armenian debate had been
ongoing for decades in other colleges. In 1722, the Yale trustees voted to
require of future rectors and tutors evidence of “opposition to Armenian &
prelatical Corruptions.” Jonathan Edwards, among others, discussed “Arminianism.”
The town church built in 1795 originally met the needs
of both the town and the college.
By 1800, however, a rift had formed which caused the
congregation to split between a Congregational and a Presbyterian faction that
initially attempted to share the building.[37] After 1804
an increasing number of townspeople joined the Congregationalist side when
Roswell Shurtleff, recently appointed Professor of Divinity, renounced his
Arminianisn and joined the Calvinist Congregationalist side and refused with
board support to preach at college services. The Presbyterian faction then
chose to meet at a new location and the students returned to the college chapel
for Sunday services.[38]
In 1804 Hyrum was 4 years old.
The Campus Revivals of 1814-15 and Related Epiphanies
An interesting epiphany occurred during the yearlong
revival that punctuated Hyrum’s last year on campus.
The absence of evidence that Hyrum
attended anything more than the first quarter of 1814 (August 28 through November
19, 1814) leaves Behrens’ claim as nothing more than his assumption that
somehow Hyrum attended all year without being noted on the school’s records
like his classmates were.
Levi Spaulding, a Dartmouth student, class of 1815,
and relative of Solomon Spaulding, felt unworthy, took a walk along the bluff
above the river with a friend, knelt down in a grove of trees and prayed, saw a
flash of light, felt forgiven and then spent the rest of his life in the
mission field in India.[39]
Far from a revival, the Levi Spaulding
experience was personal, shared by one other student, and hardly dramatic, at
least according to Behrens’ citation, which can be found online here:
Behrens is either exaggerating the
sources he cites or not disclosing his actual sources.
This revival seemed to touch all students.
“Seemed to” is purely speculation.
Extending it to Hyrum specifically is even more speculative.
John Wheelock in letters to his sister, brother-in-law
and Scottish Missionary Fund trustee Jedediah Morse noted that he had not
before witnessed such an outpouring of the spirit.[40]
Benjamin Hale, class of 1818 and later Dartmouth chemistry professor further
documented the extent of the revival from the point of view [sic] in letters to his father and
uncle.[41]
These personal observations (assuming
Behrens accurately reported them) are useful generally, but not specifically to
Hyrum.
Prelude
to the Dartmouth College Case
The battle between the Calvinist, Congregationalist
dominated board and the Arminian, Presbyterian President John Wheelock simmered until 1810 when the deaths of John
Smith and Lt Governor Peter Olcutt [sic, actually
Olcott] gave the vocal minority a fortuitous majority of 1.[42]
Maybe this is true, but it is not in the
cited source, which anyone can read here: https://collections.dartmouth.edu/ebooks/hill-college-1964.html#epubcfi(/6/20[ch1]!/4/174/4[page_58]/1:520)
The new majority proceeded to turn down Wheelock’s
choices for successor trustees, William H. Woodward, Treasurer of the college,
and Josiah Dunham, Lt. Governor of Vermont, simply because they were Freemasons
and friendly to Wheelock.[43]
John Wheelock then executed a defensive strategy from
1811-15 that led to his dismissal from his 35 year [sic] assignment
of teaching the senior class at the end of 1814 and his removal from the presidency
in 1815 after he published his History of Dartmouth College and Moor’s
School in which he criticized various actions of the trustees.
That pamphlet was published anonymously
and claimed the trustees were misappropriating money, according to the cited
source.
Wheelock then appealed to the New Hampshire
legislature as successor charter grantor. The legislature chose to amend the
charter by adding trustees and making the college a state institution renamed
Dartmouth University.
The old trustees appealed to the New Hampshire Supreme
Court but lost.[44]
When the old trustees
chose to appeal to the United States Supreme Court, Wheelock
asked Daniel Webster, class of 1801, to defend his case. Webster reviewed the
case and then told Wheelock that the trustees had wronged him under the charter
but that the remedy imposed by the New Hampshire Legislature, which
unilaterally amended the charter by adding trustees, was a greater wrong.
Wheelock knew his cause was lost and died early in 1817. After a long trial [the
appellate case was actually argued in March 1818] in 1819 the United States Supreme Court
under Chief Justice John Marshall decided the case in favor of the old trustees
and preserved the sanctity of charters.
Joseph Smith in 1840 sought the Nauvoo Charter after
the extermination order in Missouri “to save the Church.” Joseph relied on the
Dartmouth College Case precedent and the careful wording in the Nauvoo Charter
itself that it could not be rescinded unless State or Federal laws were broken.
A citation is essential to support this
claim. As discussed previously in this review, in 1845 the Illinois legislature
revoked the charter. Brigham Young consulted lawyers (including Webster) who advised that the revocation
would prevail unless the city contractually conveyed property under the charter,
which would bring it within the Dartmouth precedent.
Smith Family
Migrates from Dartmouth Vicinity to Palmyra After
three difficult winters when over 25 percent of the population of upper Vermont
left the State,[45] the Smith family moved to
Palmyra, New York, by early 1817. Revivals were active in the area and it is
likely that Hyrum would have been interested in them soon after arriving.
Behrens does
not explain why “it is likely that Hyrum would have been interested” apart from
Behrens’ own assumptions. He cites no evidence of Hyrum’s interest.
Joseph’s recollection that
at about age 12 soon after arriving in Palmyra that he was “concerned for his
soul” suggests that possibly due to discussions with Hyrum, Joseph became
interested in revivals.
“Suggests” and
“possibly” are good terms to apply to mere assumptions and inferences. But in
the same history (which Behrens does not cite), Joseph explained the source of
his concerns: the scriptures, his “intimate acquaintance with those of
different denominations,” and what he had been taught by his parents “who spared no pains to instruct<ing> me in <the> christian religion.”
Despite
Behrens’ speculation, Joseph never mentioned Hyrum or Dartmouth.
At about the age of twelve years my
mind become seriously imprest
with regard to the all importent concerns of for the
wellfare of my immortal Soul which led me to searching the scriptures
believeing as I was taught, that they contained the word of God thus
applying myself to them and my intimate acquaintance with those of differant
denominations led me to marvel excedingly for I discovered that <they did not adorn> instead of adorning
their profession by a holy walk and Godly conversation8 agreeable to what I
found contained in that sacred depository this was a grief to my Soul
https://www.josephsmithpapers.org/paper-summary/history-circa-summer-1832/2
Lucy, Sophronia, and Samuel
Harrison probably also attended the early revivals since they soon with Hyrum
joined the Presbyterian Church as early as 1817. Early participation in
revivals would correlate well with Hyrum’s revival experiences in 1814-15.
Once again,
Behrens thinks past the sale by stating as fact his own assumptions about “Hyrum’s
revival experiences in 1814-1815.” Here he says Hyrum’s siblings “probably also
attended,” but it is equally plausible that the didn’t attend any revivals.
Hyrum’s affinity for
Presbyterianism and Joseph’s preference for Methodism probably is best
explained by Joseph’s sensitivity to the substance of doctrine and Hyrum’s past
experience with form of worship.
Pure speculation: “probably
is best explained”.
Hyrum may also have attended the
Vienna revivals in 1819, but he may have joined with Presbyterians earlier. The
exact dates are uncertain.
Not only are the “exact dates” uncertain,
but his attendance is purely speculative.
Hyrum may well have even attended the book promotion presentation
at the City Hotel in Palmyra in 1820[46] of A Star in the West by Elias Boudinot,
Presbyterian President of the American Bible Society. The book deals with
ancient America and was a source for Ethan Smith.
Behrens’ speculation that Hyrum “may well
have” attended is no more plausible than saying he “may not have.” The citation
(which presumably is intended to lend credibility to Behrens’ speculation) is
to a source that also relies on speculation to reach its conclusions.
Joseph Smith’s First Vision, or visitation, of 1820,
especially as described in his first published version, is quite consistent
both with Hyrum’s experiences in Hanover and other local and regional
restorationist phenomena.
Claiming it is “quite consistent”
without specifying the nature of that consistency is unhelpful and merely
rhetorical. Plus, it “thinks past the sale” by now asserting the speculation
about Hyrum’s “experiences in Hanover” as established fact.
Hyrum and Joseph most likely had many long discussions
about such things.
Why is this “most likely” for them
specifically? Behrens cites no evidence, but merely speculates, presumably
because in ordinary experience, brothers talk about all sorts of things.
Hyrum with his Moor’s School experience with Indians
and their traditions would have been fully prepared to participate in the
family discussions in which Joseph discussed life among the ancient Americans.
This is another speculative claim. The
only source (which Behrens doesn’t cite) is Lucy Mack Smith’s history. In her
report, she did not say that Hyrum (or any other children) contributed his “experience
with Indians and their traditions,” which would have contrasted with the
details of Joseph’s recitations.
From this time forth Joseph
continued to receive instructions from time to time and every evening we
gathered our children together… I think that <we>
presented the most peculiar aspect of any family that ever lived upon the Earth
all seated round in a circle father Mother sons and Daughters listening
in breathless anxiety to the <religious>
teachings of a boy 16 <19>
yars of age who had never read the Bible through by course in his life for
Joseph was less inclined to the study of books than any child we had but much
more given to reflection and deep study We were convinced that God was about to
bring to light something that we might stay our minds upon some thing that we
could get a more definite idea of than anything which had been taught us
heretofore and we rejoiced in it with exceeding great joy Uni the sweetest
union and happiness pervaded our house no jar nor discord disturbed our peace
and tranquility reigned in our midst In the course of our evening conversations
Joseph would give us some of the most ammusing recitals which could be
immagined he would de[s]cribe the ancient inhabitants [p. [1], bk. 4] of this
continent their dress thier maner of traveling the animals which they rode The
cities that were built by them the structure of their buildings with every
particular of their mode of warfare their religious worship as particularly as
though he had Spent his life with them
https://www.josephsmithpapers.org/paper-summary/lucy-mack-smith-history-1844-1845/43
Hyrum may have seen Ethan Smith’s View of the Hebrews 1823 and 1825 editions in the Palmyra library
or in bookstore announcements in the Palmyra newspaper similar to the ones he
had probably seen which appeared in the Dartmouth
Gazette announcing the arrival of earlier Ethan Smith books at John Smith’s
bookstore in Hanover.
While Hyrum “may have seen” the book, or
even “probably seen” the other announcements, this is pure speculation. Hyrum may
not have seen any publicity about the book.
Hyrum Joins with Presbyterians and Freemasons
Though exact
dates are uncertain, early attendance at revivals after arriving in Palmyra and
early joining with the Presbyterians, as early as 1817, fit best with Hyrum’s
past experiences in Hanover.
More thinking past the sale by using
compound assumptions. Here, Behrens states as fact his earlier assumptions
about “Hyrum’s past experiences in Hanover,” then he assumes Hyrum attended
revivals in Palmyra because that would “fit best” with Behrens’ speculation
about those Hanover experiences.
Joseph’s independent study of Methodism is consistent
with his adolescent development, which was well underway. Joseph told Lucy that
Presbyterianism was wrong, after Hyrum had joined with them and after Joseph
had studied Arminian Methodism, shortly after the First Vision.
Some citations would be helpful here.
Hyrum, Lucy, Sophronia, and Samuel Harrison were
finally dismissed from the Presbyterian Church in 1830[47] after
affirming the Book of Mormon.
Note 47 is amazingly unhelpful.
Hyrum also became an initiate and joined the Mt.
Moriah Lodge #112 in Palmyra[48] after
joining the Presbyterian Church and appears to have advanced three degrees to
Master Mason. The name Hiram has generally been closely associated with the
Masonic myth concerning Solomon, Hiram of Tyre and Hiram Abiff the overseer of
the building of Solomon’s temple.
Behrens reiterates his speculation about
the popular spelling of Hyrum’s name.
Hyrum Becomes a School Teacher and School Trustee
Hyrum became a schoolteacher to support his wife in
1826 and soon after supported the rest of the family when the Smiths in 1829
lost possession of their new home for failure to make a timely last payment on
an installment sale. Hyrum actually had two teaching jobs.[49]
As his Uncle Jesse had been school trustee[50] in
Tunbridge, Vermont, Hyrum was elected to the school board of trustees in
Palmyra, New York. He soon was interviewing candidates for schoolteacher. Lyman
Cowdery was his first choice. Perhaps, this was due to his acquaintance with
Lyman’s cousins in Tunbridge, Vermont.
“Perhaps” is reasonable speculation, but
still speculation.
Though Lyman was Hyrum’s first choice to be teacher,
Lyman instead chose to work for the sheriff. Hyrum’s second choice was Oliver
Cowdery.
This claim is misleading. Hyrum was only
one of three to five school trustees (the exact number is not known). The trustees
initially hired Lyman, who was unable to fulfill the commitment and recommended
his brother Oliver as a replacement. The board accepted Lyman’s recommendation.
Lucy soon asked Oliver, a cousin of the Tunbridge
Cowderys, to board in the new home in October 1828 with the whole family.
School teachers always boarded with
families of students and usually rotated. There is no evidence that Oliver
boarded with another family, but the only record of Oliver boarding is Lucy’s,
so naturally she mentioned him boarding with her own family.
Perhaps this suggests a closer relationship than the
joint intermarriage of the Smiths and the Tunbridge Cowderys with the Tunbridge
Sanfords.
“Perhaps this suggests” is a compound
inference.
Several members of Oliver’s family from Wells,
Vermont, attended Ethan Smith’s congregation in Poultney, Vermont. Oliver also
had reason to read Ethan Smith’s View of
the Hebrews while he still lived near Ethan in Vermont or after Oliver’s
family and the Tunbridge Cowderys moved to Western New York from Vermont by
1828.
Behrens doesn’t explain why Oliver had “reason
to read” Ethan Smith’s book, any more than anyone else living in that area of
Vermont. But there is no evidence that everyone (or even most people) living in
that area read the book.
Parallels Between Dartmouth Curriculum and Mormon
Doctrine
Oliver soon joined Joseph in New Harmony, Pennsylvania, to act as permanent scribe to continue the preparation of the Book of Mormon.
“Permanent scribe” is not what the historical record shows. Oliver could be deemed a “full-time” scribe for April, May and June, although he shared scribal duties with two Whitmer brothers in June. He scribed additional material after that, but so did others.
Oliver and Joseph would soon receive the Aaronic Priesthood in May 1829. It is somewhat curious that they did not receive the Melchizedek Priesthood until Hyrum arrived later in the month for baptism bringing his knowledge of the Melchizedek Priesthood from his Masonic connections.
A citation would be helpful here because the specific dates of Hyrum’s visit and the restoration of the Melchizedek Priesthood are unknown. Hyrum presumably heard about Samuel Smith’s baptism on May 25, 1829, when Samuel returned to Palmyra to relate the event, including the restoration of the Aaronic Priesthood on May 15, 1829. Whether Hyrum visited Harmony before or after the restoration of the Melchizedek Priesthood is unknown, yet Behrens states his assumption as fact, labeling it as “somewhat curious.”
Early revelations for the Doctrine and Covenants continued to be received as needed. There are a number of interesting parallels between Dartmouth themes and those of the Book of Mormon (see exhibits 3 and 5).
The “Dartmouth themes” were hardly limited to Dartmouth. They were well-known (if not universal) themes of both Christian and classical writers. The exhibits at the end of Behrens’ paper are based primarily on Behrens’ own assumptions, inferences and theories, not any facts he cites.
First is the focus on the Atonement.
Jonathan Edwards, whose books were available in the Palmyra bookstore Joseph frequented, as well as in newspapers, pamphlets, and magazines, wrote extensively about the Atonement, as did other Christian authors.
Then we see the prosperity cycle, admonition to avoid kings and elitist cliques.
Edwards and others wrote about these themes as well.
Types and shadows are continually emphasized.
Edwards wrote frequently about types and shadows.
The structure of the book itself feature [sic] 3 Odysseys and 2 Iliads compared with Solomon Spaulding’s Manuscript Found which has 2 Odysseys and 1 Iliad while Ethan Smith’s View of the Hebrews has only 1 Odyssey and 1 Iliad.
Presumably every book about people migrating would include Behrens’ “Odyssey” and “Iliad.” This sentence points out differences instead of what Behrens apparently intends to be similarities. Behrens owes readers more explanation of why his banal comparison is relevant.
The Books of Moses and Abraham, which catch Joseph’s
attention after the Book of Mormon is finished also have many parallels with
John Smith’s astronomy lectures especially the concept of multiple peopled
worlds and focus on the stars and light.
Such ideas were widespread long before
the 1800s.
The Plan of Salvation is similar to the one in John
Smith’s theology lectures along with the Enoch emphasis which has strong
Masonic overtones.
A citation or at least an explanation of
this similarity would be useful. Others also emphasized Enoch, such as when
Edwards wrote, “The next thing I shall take notice
of was the eminently holy life of Enoch who we have reason to think was a saint
of greater eminency than any ever had been before him.”
The Kirtland “School of the Prophets” with its focus
on missionary training and the study of Hebrew are also quite similar to the
Dartmouth “School of the Prophets.”
“Quite similar” is a vague, subjective phrase
that should be explained in more detail. The term “school of the prophets” was
widely used at other colleges and by Christian writers generally.
Even the federal design form of the Kirtland Temple,
the construction of which was overseen by Hyrum in good Masonic fashion, bares
a strong resemblance to the federal design form of Moor’s School when the
dormers from the Dartmouth Hotel, completed in 1814, are added to the third
floor as a late addition to the building plan.
The federal design form resembled New
England meetinghouses generally. The interior of the Kirtland temple was
entirely unique with multiple pulpits, dividing curtains, etc.
The Kirtland Temple follows the First Presidency
vision received by Joseph Smith, Sidney Rigdon, and Frederick G. Williams in
substance but Moor’s School in form.
Moor’s school (more accurately, some
buildings at Dartmouth) may have had some superficial resemblance to the
Kirtland temple, as do most New England meetinghouses. But readers can decide
whether Hyrum Smith designed the Kirtland temple to follow the form of the
school he briefly attended twenty years earlier.
Other
Related Dartmouth Graduates
In many ways
John Wentworth,[51] class of
1836, was as important to the survival of Mormonism as Governor John Wentworth
was to the birth of Dartmouth.
“In many ways” is lazy rhetoric, because
the two had few if any similarities. At least, Behrens doesn’t show any.
He showed a keen interest in the well being of the
Church as early as May 25, 1840, when he providentially stated “let
Illinois repeat the bloody tragedies of Missouri and one or two other States
follow and the Mormon religion will not only be known throughout our land, but
will be very extensively embraced.”[52] It is
quite certain that he knew that Albert Carrington,[53] class of 1834,
who joined the Saints in Nauvoo.
Knowing that Mormon beliefs were in some ways similar
to those of John Humphrey Noyes,[54] class of
1830, Wentworth inquired of Joseph in 1842 about Mormon beliefs as he sensed a
connection to Mormonism.
By now, we’re used to the way Behrens
substitutes mind-reading and vague similarities for facts and citations. Here
we have “quite certain” “in some ways similar,” and “he sensed.”
In response, Joseph prepared his well-known letter to
John Wentworth in which he succinctly summarized the Book of Mormon and stated
Mormon beliefs in the form of the “Articles of Faith.” When circumstances were
approaching a crisis, then Congressman Wentworth even attempted to have Joseph
appointed to lead an expedition to secure Oregon for the United States.
In general, Wentworth was helpful while the church was
growing to critical mass under the protection of the Nauvoo Charter which
Joseph secured in 1840 based on the protections assured by the Dartmouth
College Case.
While Wentworth was “helpful,” his
contributions were far from the promised “many ways” in which Wentworth was
important to the survival of Mormonism. Behrens owes us a citation and an
explanation because the Illinois legislature eventually revoked the charter
despite the Dartmouth case.
After Moor’s School, Stephen Mack, Hyrum’s cousin, joined his father in
Michigan to trade with the Indians but soon went on to Illinois and Wisconsin
to become the chief trader for the American Fur Company with the Wisconsin
Indians as well as their most trusted Anglo confidant and advisor.[55] In 1843
the Chippewa Indians sold their timber rights above Black River Falls to Lyman
Wight and George C. Miller for the “Pineries” project to supply lumber for
rapidly growing Nauvoo[56] where his
mother and two sisters lived after the death of
his father.[57]
The relevance, if any, of this should be
explained.
Summary
and Conclusions
Dartmouth College had significant influence on the LDS
Church, both direct and indirect.
This is a good statement of Behrens’
hypothesis, but it is based primarily on Behrens’ own assumptions and
inferences (along with various misstatements of fact), not on any facts he has
accurately cited.
The Dartmouth College Case saved Dartmouth College and
provided the legal precedent to preserve the LDS Church in Nauvoo long enough
for it to grow to critical mass.
Actually, the Dartmouth case did not “save”
Dartmouth college. It merely preserved it as a private college instead of a
public college that the New Hampshire legislature wanted. And the case did not
prevent the Illinois legislature from revoking the Nauvoo charter.
The Dartmouth Medical School played a significant role
in saving Joseph Smith’s leg.
Doctors who worked/studied there saved
his leg, which makes sense because it was the closest medical school to the
Smith’s home.
Hyrum’s education at Moor’s school provided a tutor
for unschooled Joseph.
The evidence shows that Hyrum merely
studied “Arithmetic” for one quarter of school, which corroborates Joseph’s
statement that “I was mearly instructtid in reading
and writing and the ground <rules>
of Arithmatic which const[it]uted my whole literary acquirements.”
Hyrum’s exposure to Dartmouth’s theology, cosmology,
ancient language studies, architecture, Ethan Smith’s son Lyndon, and Solomon
Spaulding’s nephew James Spaulding from Sharon, Vermont, who was attending the
Medical School, all provided discussion material for tutoring Joseph during his
long recovery from leg surgery that kept Joseph
at home on crutches until the Smith family
reached Palmyra.
This is one of multiple working hypotheses,
consisting mainly of assumptions, inferences and theories instead of actual,
documented sources and facts.
Another hypothesis is more consistent
with the known historical evidence; i.e., that Hyrum learned Arithmetic at Moor’s
school for one quarter in 1814 and taught arithmetic to Joseph. Joseph’s other
education came from what his parents taught him, what he studied in the Bible,
and his “intimate acquaintance with those of
different denominations.”
The future
development of Mormon Doctrine so parallels the Dartmouth Lectures that it is
hard not to perceive their stimulating possibilities.
“Stimulating possibilities” is a
euphemism for “possible, but improbable, influences,” given that none of the
participants left any such record but instead gave completely different factual
statements about this time frame in their lives. Nor are Behrens’ list of 20
similarities obvious from the John Smith notes.
Perhaps those discussions prepared Joseph Smith in his 12th year
to be “concerned for his soul” soon after the Smith family arrived in Palmyra[58] and in a
few short years to receive his First Vision.
“Perhaps” this is accurate, even though
it contradicts the known evidence.
The rest we know as “Mormon History.”
A good conclusion, and a reminder that
much of so-called “Mormon History” from both apologists and critics consists of
assumptions, inferences and theories undistinguished from the actual facts that
everyone can (or should) agree upon.
EXHIBIT
2: SCHOOLS OF THE PROPHET
1760 1770
1780 1790 1800 1810 1820 1830 1840 1850
T H
E P R O F E S S O R S A N D T H E P R O P H E T
Defining Early Dartmouth Divining Early Mormon Community & Curriculum Doctrine & Community
SPIRIT NH
NY
SPIRIT
|
REVIVALS EPIPHANY PRESBYTERIAN FREEMASONRY |
REVIVALS THEOPHANY PRESBYTERIAN FREEMASONRY |
HIRAM FAMILY FOCUS JOSEPH
TUTOR HIRAM
MORONI TUTOR
NATHAN SMITH
MEDICINE ALVIN SMITH
MOOR’S
STUDENT SCHOOL
TEACHER
TRUSTEES
KNOWN SCHOOL
TRUSTEE
JABEZ
COWDERY 
ENOCH 
OLIVER
COWDERY
THEOLOGY THEOLOGY
ELIJAH LYMAN CLARISSA
LYMAN
PEOPLING OF
AMERICA BOOK
OF MORMON
COSMOLOGY ASTRONOMY MOSES AND ABRAHAM
HEBREW 
SCHOOL OF THE PROPHETS 
HEBREW
STEPHEN MACK STEPHEN
MACK
JOHN WENTWORTH INTERESTING -- --JOHN WENTWORTH
JOHN SMITH/ASAEL SMITH FAMILY
HYRUM SMITH/JOSEPH SMITH
ELEAZAR/JOHN WHEELOCK RELATIONSHIPS CYRUS WHEELOCK
DARTMOUTH COLLEGE NAUVOO
UNIVERSITY
INTELLECT INTELLECT
EXHIBIT 3: EARLY DARTMOUTH CURRICULUM
1770 1780 1790 1800 1810 1820
RISE AND
FALL OF NATIONS CIVIL &
ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY
VON HUMBOLT
ON MESOAMERICA INTELLECTUAL & MORAL PHILOSOPHY
Dartmouth Seal Active
Freemasonry
|
1770 1780 |
1790 |
1800 1810 1820 |
|
||||||||||
|
LANGUAGES: Greek, Latin, Hebrew, Chaldaic, Assyric, Syriac, Coptic, Arabic, etc. |
NATURAL PHILOSOPHY: Astronomy, Earth Science, Peopling of America |
ARMINIAN THEOLOGY: Atonement agreed to in the PreExistence Aaronic & Melchizedek priesthood gov’t., free agency, Christ’s Church in all ages, Law of Consecration, Degrees of Glory, Nature of God known only by revelation, etc. |
|
||||||||||
|
|
|
|||||||||||||
EXHIBIT 4: FAMILY AND COMMUNITY
DISCOURSE
FREEMASONRY
HIRAM NAMED
IN 1800
JOSEPH SMITH
SR. REJECTED IN 1801
VERMONT NEW
HAMPSHIRE
UNIVERSALISM ARMINIANISM
NATHANIEL
WOOD JACOB
OSGOOD
WILLIAM
BULLARD JACOB
COCHRAN
WARS
EARTHQUAKES
PLAGUES
LIGHTNING
STORMS
COLD WINTERS
REVIVALS
EPIPHANIES
EXHIBIT
5: CONCEPTUAL COMPARISON
PROFESSOR
JOHN SMITH PROPHET
JOSEPH SMITH
INTELLECTUAL
SPIRIT SPIRITUAL
INTELLECT
SEARCH THE SCRIPTURES ASK
OF GOD
PRIMARY INPUT
GREEK/ROMAN PHILOSOPHY MORONI
HEBREW BIBLE MOSES
ANCIENT SCRIPTURES GOLDEN
PLATES
GREEK NEW TESTAMENT PETER,
JAMES, JOHN
NEWTON ABRAHAM
ARMINIANISM UNIVERSALISM
FREEMASONRY FREEMASONRY
INSPIRATION REVELATION
VISION VIA READING GLASSES VISION VIA SPECTACLES, etc.
PRIMARY OUTPUT
GREEK, LATIN, HEBREW, CHALDAIC GRAMMARS HEBREW STUDY
PEOPLING OF AMERICA LECTURE BOOK
OF MORMON
ASTRONOMY LECTURES BOOKS OF ABRAHAM AND MOSES
THEOLOGY LECTURES LECTURES
ON FAITH
PASTORAL SERMONS DOCTRINE
AND COVENANTS
DARTMOUTH PLAYS KING
FOLLETT DISCOURSE, etc.
MOOR’S
SCHOOL OF THE PROPHETS KIRTLAND
SCHOOL OF THE PROPHETS
PRIMARY COMMON IDEAS
GOD THE
FATHER AND GOD THE SON ARE SEPARATE BEINGS
ATONEMENT
COVENANT MADE BEFORE THE CREATION OF THE EARTH
PLAN OF
SALVATION AGREED TO IN THE PREEXISTENCE
FATHER, SON
AND SONS OF MEN WERE TOGETHER IN THE PREEXISTENCE
SPIRITUAL
DEATH WAS MAN’S CONDITION AFTER THE FALL
SON’S CHURCH
WOULD EXIST IN ALL AGES AFTER THE FALL
TYPES AND
SHADOWS OF THE COVENANT ARE FOUND IN SCRIPTURES
OATHS AND
COVENANTS SERVE AS DEITY’S LEGAL STRUCTURE
LIGHT,
BORROWED LIGHT, AND THE LIGHT OF REASON WOULD GUIDE US
MELCHIZEDEK
PRIESTHOOD IS COETERNAL WITH GOD
MELCHIZEDEK PRIESTHOOD IS THE SOURCE OF THE SON’S AUTHORITY
AARONIC PRIESTHOOD PROMISED TO AARON’S DESCENDANTS
FREE AGENCY
AND THE RIGHT TO CHOOSE ARE INTEGRAL TO THE PLAN
DEGREES OF
GLORY STRUCTURE THE ETERNITIES
CONSECRATION
TO CHRIST IS REQUIRED FOR HIGHEST EXALTATION
REVELATION
IS REQUIRED TO KNOW THE ULTIMATE NATURE OF GOD
SPIRIT IS
SIMPLER (FINER) FORM OF MATTER
THE PROSPERITY CYCLE IS THE NATURAL COURSE OF HISTORY
MILLIONS OF PEOPLED WORLDS AND SON’S ROLE WITH EACH FATHER ARGUES FOR JUSTICE
AND SON ARGUES FOR MERCY
PRIMARY
DIFFERING IDEAS
GOD CAN BECOME A MAN MAN
CAN BECOME A GOD
CHRIST BECAME A KING THROUGH MAN CAN BECOME A KING
THROUGH MELCHIZEDEK PRIESTHOOD MELCHIZEDEK PRIESTHOOD
GOD CAN
APPEAR AS AN ANGEL A
RESURRECTED MAN CAN APPEAR
AS AN ANGEL
ANGELS ARE
DIFFERENT FROM ANGELS
ARE THE SAME AS PREMORTAL MAN
PREMORTAL MAN
WITHOUT FALL
MAN FALL
REQUIRED FOR MAN
REMAINS PERFECT
TO
BECOME PERFECT
TRANSLATION
TO HELL TRANSLATION
TO HEAVEN
|
DISCUSSED HIGHEST |
DISCUSSED THREE |
|
DEGREE OF GLORY |
DEGREES OF GLORY |
|
|
|
|
ASIANS ARRIVED IN |
MIDDLE EASTERNERS ARRIVED IN |
|
AMERICA FIRST BY LAND |
AMERICA FIRST BY SHIP |
|
|
|
|
CANAANITES LATER ARRIVED IN |
ISRAELITES LATER ARRIVED IN AMERICA |
|
AMERICA BY ATLANTIC
CROSSING |
BY ATLANTIC & PACIFIC CROSSING |
|
|
|
|
MILLIONS OF PEOPLED WORLDS |
WORLDS W/O NUMBER |
|
|
|
|
SPIRIT IS SIMPLER FORM OF
MATTER |
SPIRIT IS FINER FORM OF MATTER |
|
|
|
|
WARNED AGAINST UNFAIR |
WARNED AGAINST UNFAIR |
|
TREATMENT OF CHILDREN |
TREATMENT OF WIVES & CHILDREN |
|
|
|
|
STUDIED SCRIPTURES IN
HEBREW |
STUDIED SCRIPTURES IN HEBREW |
|
GREEK, CHALDAIC, ASSYRIC,
SYRIAC AND COPTIC |
AND REFORMED EGYPTIAN |
|
|
|
|
INSIGHTFUL BUT UNORGANIZED |
STRUCTURED AND HIGHLY INTEGRATED |
|
|
|
|
THE LAST ARMINIAN |
THE FIRST MORMON |
Original sources used
in this review
Images of the original records from Moor’s
school for 1813-1814 are available by clicking on this link.
which takes you to this unwieldy link:
Original records regarding Susan Smith’s
biographical information on Dr. John Smith is here:
https://mormonr.org/qnas/MggWf/joseph_smiths_pre_1830_education/research#re-jtNgWc-xYDgbd
The original document in .pdf is here:
Original records for Moor’s school year
1814-15 (Hiram/Hyrum listed for the first quarter only, studied Arithmetic,
home town Lebanon, listed under “Charity scholars”)
Other “Charity scholars” studied Virgil,
Reading, Mathematics, Navigation, English Grammar, and Greek Testament. All of
the “Charity Scholars” from the first semester stayed for the second semester
except Hiram and Horace Gilbert. Stephen Bartlett was added. Horace Gilbert
returned for the third and fourth semester, but Hiram did not.
https://mormonr.org/qnas/MggWf/joseph_smiths_pre_1830_education/research#re-2wubdc-ZrX2nb
which takes you to this image:
Original records for Moor’s school year
1816 (Hiram/Hyrum not listed)
[1] Sketches of the Alumni of Dartmouth College, George T. Chapman,
D.D., (1867, Cambridge: Riverside Press), 15.
Available
online here: https://www.dartmouth.edu/library/rauner/chapman/
[2] Unpublished
manuscript biography of John Smith, Susan Mason Smith, (1842, Hanover, NH)
[3]
Susan Mason Smith.
[4] George T. Chapman,
15.
[5] The College on the Hill, Ralph Nading
Hill, (1964, Hanover, NH), 58.
[6] Susan Mason Smith.
[7]
George T. Chapman, 15.
[8] Ralph Nading Hill,
56.
[9] Eulogy of John Smith, John Wheelock,
(1809, Dartmouth College, Hanover, NH).
[10] Dartmouth Theology Lectures 1787-1809,
[hereafter DTL] John Smith, (Dartmouth College, Hanover, NH).
[11] Dartmouth Natural Philosophy Lectures 1780,
[hereafter, DNPL] John Smith, (Dartmouth College, Hanover, NH).
[12] DNPL 1780, John
Smith.
[13] Manuscript Found Manuscript, Solomon
Spaulding, (1812, Ohio).
[14] George T. Chapman,
39.
[15] George T. Chapman,
57. 16 George T. Chapman, 57.
[16] George T. Chapman,
190.
[17] George T. Chapman,
57.
[18] View of the Hebrews, Ethan Smith,
(1823/25, Poultney, VT).
[19] George T. Chapman,
46.
[20] George T. Chapman,
176.
[21] Joseph Smith’s New England Heritage,
Richard L. Anderson, (1970-2003, Deseret Book, Salt Lake City, Utah), 275.
[22] Susan Mason Smith.
[23] DTL, John Smith.
[24] The History of Joseph Smith, Lucy Mack
Smith, (1845), 59.
[25] George T. Chapman,
200.
[26] Evening and Morning Star, (June,1832,
Independence, MO).
[27] Richard L.
Anderson, 221.
[28] Lucy Mack Smith,
59.
[29] A Study of the Origins of the Church of
Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in the States of New York and Pennsylvania,
Larry C. Porter,(Ph.D. diss., Brigham Young University, 1971), 9.
[30] George T. Chapman,
124.
[31] Moor’s School
Records 1813-16, Joseph Perry, ( Dartmouth College, Hanover, NH).
[32] Franklin Lodge
Records.
[33] George T. Chapman,
174.
[34] Franklin Masonic
Lodge Records. 36 Franklin Masonic Lodge Records.
[35] Franklin Masonic
Lodge Records.
[36] Randolph Masonic
Lodge Records.
[37] Ralph Nading Hill,
58.
[38] Ralph Nading Hill,
58.
[39] Ralph Nading Hill,
205.
[40] Letters to his
Sister and Brother-in law David McClure, John Wheelock, (1815, Hanover, NH).
[41] Letters to his
Father and Uncle, Benjamin Hale, (1815, Hanover, NH).
[42] Ralph Nading Hill,
59.
[43] George T. Chapman,
51.
[44] Sketches of the History of Dartmouth College
and Moor’s School, John Wheelock, (1815, Hanover, NH). Note: no page number given.
[45]
Migration from Vermont, Lewis D.
Stilwell, (1948, Montpelier, VT), 125-139.
[46] Mormon Answer to Skepticism: Why Joseph
Smith Wrote the Book of Mormon, Robert N. Hullinger, (1980, St. Louis, MO),
58.
[47] Presbyterian Church
Records. From where? Date? Link?
[48] Mt. Moriah Masonic
Lodge Records. Location? Date? Link?
[49] Hyrum Smith: Man of Integrity, Jeffrey
O’Driscol, (2003, Deseret Book, Salt Lake City, UT), 25.
[50] The First Mormon, Donna Hill, (1977,
Salt Lake City, UT).
[51] Charles T. Chapman,
288.
[52] Chicago Democrat, John Wentworth, May
25, 1840.
[53] Charles T. Chapman, 271.
[54] Charles T. Chapman, 254.
[55] Letters to his
Sister Lovisa Mack Cooper 1818-50, Stephen Mack, (Bentley Library, Detroit,
MI).
[56] Diary of George C.
Miller.
[57] Stephen Mack.
[58] Joseph Smith’s Personal History, Joseph
Smith (Nauvoo, IL: 1842).
